To Preserve, and Not to Reprocess[1]
Nezavisimaya Gazeta- Nauka
July 19, 2000
by Matthew Bunn[2], Neil J. Numark[3] and Tatsujiro Suzuki[4]
Billions of dollars are
urgently needed to deal with the many problems of Russias vast nuclear complex. Although international cooperative programs are
making progress dealing with pieces of these problems, foreign governments are simply
unable to provide money on the scale needed for permanent solutions.
But it may be possible to
find significant sums by attracting the funds foreign electric utility companies may be
willing to pay for a solution to their spent fuel problems.
Utilities in some countries are facing an urgent problem as they run low on
storage capacity and certain political circumstances prevent them from building more. Absent a solution, they would have to shut their
reactors down. They may thus be willing to
pay more than million dollars a ton, by some estimates, to someone who would take the
stuff off their hands.
The Ministry of Atomic
Energy has proposed to do just that, amending Russias environmental law to make it
possible to import foreign spent fuel for long-term storage in Russia. MINATOM has estimated it can make tens of billions
of dollars in this business. However, the Ministrys idea is to spend that money to
build a new reprocessing plant at the closed city of Zheleznogorsk (formerly
Krasnoyarsk-26). Although then-Prime Minister
Vladimir Putin cast doubts on the MINATOM plan last year, the Russian government
reportedly gave its approval to the plan in late May as part of its approval of
MINATOMs overall strategy for the future of nuclear energy in Russia. The State Duma will presumably consider
MINATOMs proposals, which are likely to meet wholehearted support of most of the
parties but Yabloko.
Unfortunately the MINATOM
plan ignores the dwindling market for expensive reprocessing, already dominated by the
British and French. Moreover, the United
States holds consent rights over the fate of most of the foreign spent fuel of interest to
MINATOM, and there is no hope of getting U.S. permission for the spent fuel to be shipped
to Russia for reprocessing because of the proliferation threat posed by separation of
weapons-usable plutonium. [Finally,
MINATOMs scheme is unacceptable to the Russian environmentalists concerned both
about the import of spent fuel and establishment of more dangerous reprocessing
enterprises.]
But MINATOM need not
abandon its interest in providing spent fuel services to overseas customers, and indeed
stands to bring in a great deal of revenue if it would offer simply to store foreign spent
fuel in Russia, without reprocessing. There
is likely to be a strong and steady market for such storage services, potentially leading
to benefits for MINATOM, the foreign utilities, the United States and Russias
environment. [B]illions of dollars of revenue
from such a project could be legally set aside so that it would be available for
protecting nuclear materials and facilities from thieves and terrorism; for eliminating
the vast stockpiles of excess plutonium built up over decades of Cold War; and for
providing alternative jobs for nuclear workers laid off from jobs maintaining
Russias nuclear arsenal.
For Russias nuclear
cities, such a deal would mean billions of dollars to employ scientists and other workers
on critical cleanup, nonproliferation and conversion tasks.
For the foreign utilities, it would mean an acceptable solution to their
spent fuel problems at a reasonable price. For
the United States, such a deal would provide the money needed to address a wide range of
security headaches, without the proliferation hazards and political problems of
reprocessing. Most importantly, there could
be a large net benefit for the Russian environment, as the environmental hazards posed by
importing spent fuel in safe, modern dry casks whose safety has been demonstrated in use
around the world are minimal while the environmental hazards to Russian citizens that
could be corrected with the money from such a plan are immense. Moreover, the venture would require very little
up-front investments by Russia.
Spent fuel transportation
and storage are proven safe technologies with many years of positive experience worldwide. The fuel could be shipped in robust,
state-of-the-art containers meeting the highest international standards. It would be held in steel and concrete casks in
dry form requiring no active intervention to ensure safety.
We have previously
proposed that Russia consider such a scheme, and advocated that Russia use the substantial
revenues the project would generate to pay for critical nuclear disarmament activities in
Russia that remain unfunded. Now a commercial
group called the Nonproliferation Trust (NPT) proposes to carry out such a
scheme. If the Russian and U.S. governments
manage to agree, the group believes it can get storage contracts from foreign utilities
that would provide the necessary capital for the project.
If properly designed, such a program could represent a major breakthrough
for both nuclear cleanup and arms reduction.
The principal motivation
for the NPT project is not profit but raising revenue for Russias critical nuclear
security and environmental projects. Indeed,
a draft agreement prepared by the NPT for MINATOMs consideration explicitly states
that the organization itself will not retain any profit (although the firms that would
perform work for the NPT project would certainly hope to profit). The fees generated by the storage project would
not go to either MINATOM or a commercial firm, but would be channeled into a trust legally
required to use the money only for nuclear security and cleanup projects, as well as other
social programs agreed to in advance. At the
same time, the project would provide for the safe storage of the spent fuel and time to
determine suitable non-proliferation approaches to its ultimate disposition.
Such a commercial
agreement could be permanent meaning that the spent fuel would ultimately be
disposed of in Russia [ or interim,] meaning that unless some further agreement was
reached between the parties, the fuel would be shipped back to its original owners after
some fixed storage period (say, 40 years). NPT
proposes a permanent approach, under which NPT would take title to the fuel and after 40
years transfer ownership to MINATOM for final disposal in a Russian geologic repository.
Russian environmental
groups oppose the NPT scheme even though the U.S.-based Natural Resources Defense Council
is an advisor to NPT and has made the case that the projects benefits for
Russias environment would be much greater than its hazards. We believe an interim approach, in which Russia
provides temporary stewardship while foreign utilities continue to own the fuel, could
[address] some of their concerns. Approval
might be simpler to achieve, avoiding for now the complications of the permanent nuclear
waste disposal issue. The disadvantage of a
storage-only approach is that the revenue generated per ton of fuel would be smaller, but
this might be compensated for by increasing the amount of spent fuel imported.
Russian environmentalists
are also concerned that the NPT proposal could give MINATOM [a backdoor approach to] its
goal of reprocessing imported fuel. But
several barriers reduce this risk. First of
all, the contract NPT proposes would specifically prohibit reprocessing. Second, the
United States will surely insist on such a prohibition before giving its consent to ship
the fuel to Russia. As the fuel would be
under international safeguards, MINATOM could not take it away for reprocessing without
visibly violating an international agreement. With
all the other spent fuel that already exists in Russia, MINATOM would have no incentive to
do that. Third, if this is a serious concern,
the amendments to Russias environmental law necessary for such a spent fuel import
deal could specify that the fuel may only be imported for storage. Finally, if the storage facility was built in the
Russian Far East close to potential Asian customers, reprocessing the fuel would require
re-shipping it to MINATOMs existing reprocessing
facilities at Zheleznogorsk, Mayak and Seversk.
[Besides addressing the
concerns of Russian environmentalists, Russia and the United States would have to conclude
an agreement on civilian nuclear cooperation before a spent fuel import and nuclear
cleanup deal could move forward.] Without
this the United States could not, under its own laws, grant consent to ship U.S. origin
fuel to Russia. The United States has refused to negotiate such an agreement because of
its concerns over Russias nuclear cooperation with Iran. A way forward would be to enter into a limited
agreement focusing only on this project. A
broader agreement for civilian nuclear cooperation could be postponed until the Iran issue
is resolved (possibly by Russian agreement to build only the first nuclear reactor in Iran
and forego further Iranian contracts, since there is more money to be made from spent fuel
imports in any case).
[There is much to be done
before any project like the Non-Proliferation Trust would come to fruition. The Russian and U.S. governments are studying the
matter and will need intensive negotiations, and agreements will also be necessary with
other foreign governments, their utilities and the Trust.]
But if the legitimate concerns can be satisfactorily addressed, so that the
fuel would be managed safely and securely and with adequate assurance that billions of
dollars in revenue would be set aside for nuclear security and cleanup, such an approach
could represent a real breakthrough for the cause of nuclear disarmament and environmental
cleanup. We urge Russia to consider these
proposals very seriously.
[1]
This document is an
English translation of an article published in Russian in Nezavisimaya Gazeta- Nauka (Independent
Newspaper, special Science Section) on July 19, 2000. Omissions from the original submitted text that the authors
believe are necessary for a correct
understanding of the article have been inserted here in brackets.
[2]
Assistant
Director of the Science, Technology and Public Policy Program, John F. Kennedy School of
Government, Harvard University
[3] President, Numark Associates, Inc.
[4] Visiting Associate Professor, Department of Quantum Engineering and Systems Science, Tokyo University